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On the Absence of Long-Distance A-Movement in Russian (Report)

Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2007, Wntr-Spring, 15, 1

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Abstract: Lasnik (1998) observes that Russian lacks long-distance subject-to-object and subject-to-subject raising, where "long-distance" is understood in the sense of crossing the boundary of a clausal domain defined in terms of an independent Infl (Tense/Agreement) system. In Lasnik's terms, this state of affairs arises because Russian infinitival clauses are necessarily Tensed, whereas English infinitivals (which do allow long-distance raising) may appear "tenseless." In this article I discuss examples of raising with aspectual and modal predicates in Russian, whose grammaticality appears to call into question the validity of Lasnik's claim and show that raising in these contexts is in fact limited to a single TP domain. Realizing the monoclausal character of raising removes the apparent challenge to Lasnik's generalization and reaffirms the radically "local" behavior of Russian in the domain of A-movement. 1. Introduction

On the Absence of Long-Distance A-Movement in Russian (Report)
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  • Available on iPhone, iPad, iPod touch, and Mac.
  • Category: Language Arts & Disciplines
  • Published: 01 January 2007
  • Publisher: Slavica Publishers, Inc.
  • Print Length: 31 Pages
  • Language: English
  • Requirements: To view this book, you must have an iOS device with iBooks 1.3.1 or later and iOS 4.3.3 or later, or a Mac with iBooks 1.0 or later and OS X 10.9 or later.

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