1. Prelude ("Expletive Negation" in Russian: A Conspiracy Theory *)
Journal of Slavic Linguistics 2005, Wntr-Spring, 13, 1
Journal of Slavic Linguistics
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There are two polarity sensitive phenomena in Russian that rely in almost identical ways on the presence of negation in some local domain; both the Genitive of Negation (GoN) and ni-phrases like nikto 'nobody', nicego 'nothing', etc. are licensed by clausemate negation. Thus, in (1a) structural accusative alternatives with GoN on the direct object; the direct object ni-phrase is licensed in (2a). If negation is absent altogether as in (1b) and (2b), neither GoN nor ni-phrases are licit. Finally, if negation is present non-locally, neither GoN nor ni-phrases are allowed, as (1c) and (2c) with superordinate negation illustrate. Of course, there are also substantial distributional differences between GoN and ni-phrases. Any argument of the verb and in fact even adjuncts can appear as ni-phrases ((3)), but only underlying direct objects can ever appear in GoN (for discussion of adjuncts see Franks and Dziwirek 1993). I assume that GoN is licensed only on structurally Case marked, underlying internal arguments (for discussion see Babby 1980; Bailyn 1995, 1997; Borschev and Partee 1998; Brown 1999b; Chvany 1975; Franks 1995; Mustajoki 1985; Mustajoki and Heino 1991; Neidle 1988; Partee and Borschev 2000, 2001; Pesetsky 1982 among others). This restriction is illustrated in (4). The subject in (4a) and (4b) is an underlying internal argument bearing structural Case; it can appear in the genitive. The subject in (4c) is an external argument of the verb; it cannot therefore appear in the genitive. Finally, the indirect object in (4d) is an internal argument, but it does not bear structural Case; hence, it cannot appear in the genitive of negation.
- € 2,99
- Categorie: Taalkunde
- Publicatiedatum: 01-01-2005
- Uitgever: Slavica Publishers, Inc.
- Tekstlengte: 11 pagina's
- Taal: Engels